Mexico Likely To Keep Making The World’s Biggest Oil Hedge

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Baystreet Staff / Tsvetana Paraskova / Oilprice / July 9

 

The Mexican oil hedge, or the Hacienda Hedge, is considered the biggest hedging bet on Wall Street as well as perhaps the most secretive. It has earned Mexico—and a few large investment banks—billions of U.S. dollars.

Mexico buys put options from investment banks and typically hedges a whopping 200-300 million barrels of oil a year. With the put options, it has the right, but not the obligation, to sell oil at a previously set price and timing. But will this tradition continue under the newly elected administration?

Throughout his campaign, Mexico’s now president-elect Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador kept the oil industry on edge with comments and promises that he would review the landmark 2013 energy reform of outgoing President Enrique Peña Nieto that ended seven decades of oil monopoly in the country.

But the first signals from Lopez Obrador’s staff and advisors after he won Mexico’s presidential election last weekend are that the new president would not seek to backtrack on the energy reform, which allowed foreign oil firms to win contracts to pump Mexican oil.

Leftist Lopez Obrador and the new government, set to take office on December 1, will also likely continue with Mexico’s annual oil hedging program—considered to be the biggest annual oil hedge deal on Wall Street—an economic advisor to the president-elect told Bloomberg this week.

For 2018, Mexico locked in last year an average export price of US$46 per barrel of crude oil with its oil hedge. According to data by Mexico’s Finance Ministry, the country spent the equivalent of around US$1.25 billion on the oil hedge program for 2018, which was 21 percent higher than the oil hedge in 2016 to lock in prices for 2017. Mexico’s spending on the world’s biggest oil hedge has been at around US$1 billion over the past few years. State-run Petroleos Mexicanos (Pemex) is also hedging part of its production.

According to a member of president-elect Lopez Obrador’s economic team, Mexico’s oil hedge and the Pemex hedge are “working fine” and are likely to be left unchanged.

“The formula by which the government is calculating the price of oil is a very stable formula,” Abel Hibert told Bloomberg. “Using the hedges reduces uncertainty in financial markets,” the economic advisor said, adding, however, that the hedging program was not mentioned when energy policies were discussed at a meeting of the transition team this week.

Reducing uncertainty seems to be the key message from Lopez Obrador’s team after the election, even beyond the hedging program for oil.

Alfonso Romo, who is tipped to be the next president’s chief of staff, says that the new administration doesn’t want to create uncertainty and that there won’t be rescinding of the energy reform.

“What do we want to do? We want to take advantage of all of the enthusiasm we’ve generated to fix everything we can,” Romo told Bloomberg in an interview. “What don’t we want? To create uncertainty. Zero. I’m terrified of that.”

The incoming president’s chief of staff also said that he didn’t see changes to the 2013 reform.

“If anything happens, it would be done without hurting private investment,” Romo told Bloomberg.

With the energy reform of the outgoing president Peña Nieto, Mexico has attracted oil majors of the likes of ExxonMobil, Chevron, Shell, and Eni to its offshore areas, as it seeks to reverse a decline in its oil production.

Mexico needs a lot of money for offshore drilling, and “no one will fight success” if it manages to boost oil production, according to Romo.

The president-elect Lopez Obrador has said that he would have the already awarded contracts scrutinized for irregularities. But neither Romo nor the likely incoming finance minister Carlos Urzua expects the review of the contracts to reveal acts of corruption.

“If it looks good, on we go. It’s a contract we have to respect,” Urzua told Mexican television on Wednesday.

We are still five months away from the new president and government taking office, but the first messages after the election point that Mexico wants to reassure foreign oil investors and seek reconciliation rather than confrontation.

 

Baystreet Staff / Tsvetana Paraskova / Oilprice / July 9

 

 

The security policy in the hydrocarbons sector

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The safety policy of the hydrocarbon sector focuses on two concepts that respond to the environment that may be impacted by the activities developed with hydrocarbons and their derivatives: industrial safety that refers to the external environment and the relationship of the installation with third parties and operational security, referred to the internal scope and related to the installation’s own processes.

In the ASEA Law, Industrial Safety is defined as the multidisciplinary area responsible for identifying, reducing, evaluating, preventing, mitigating, controlling and managing risks in the sector, with the aim of protecting people and the environment.

Operational safety, is understood as the multidisciplinary area that is responsible for the analysis, evaluation, prevention, mitigation, control of the associated risks of the process, which includes the design, construction, startup, operation, normal stoppages, emergency stoppages and maintenance.

As we can see, industrial safety is a broader concept that involves considering not only the installation but its environment, at least where their activities may have some impact, such as the surrounding population, which may suffer damage to their people and to their assets, or the pollution of the environment.

On the other hand, operational safety focuses on internal processes, which must also be procured, in order to avoid damage to the installation and personnel, as well as preventing an accident from reaching greater proportions and also affect industrial safety.

Risks are an inherent part of the activities of the hydrocarbon sector, therefore as part of its security policy, companies must make the decision between retaining and transferring risks. They will generally retain those that may have minor consequences and whose costs do not affect their assets. In the case of risks that can have serious consequences, it is better to transfer them through an insurance.

The insurances that companies in the hydrocarbon sector must contract to complement their industrial and operational safety policy are: 1) well control (exploration and extraction companies); 2) construction and assembly; 3) civil and environmental liability; 4) property damage; 5) electronic equipment; 6) machinery breakage; 7) Boilers and equipment subject to pressure, among others.

If the activities are carried out with vessels, the insurances to be contracted are: 1) hull and machinery, 2) protection and compensation and, if applicable, 3) the charterer’s civil liability.

Each one of these insurances will cover some aspect that will contribute to complement the policy of industrial and operational safety, with the aim of having safer facilities and reducing to the maximum the possibility of an economic detriment to the companies of the sector.

 

At NRGI Broker, we are experts in insurance for the hydrocarbon sector. Come to us, we will gladly assist you.

 

Trump and Mexico’s New Leader, Both Headstrong, Begin With a ‘Good Conversation’

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The New York Times / Michael D. Shear and Ana Swanson / July 2

 

WASHINGTON — President Trump reached out to Mexico’s new populist president-elect on Monday in an early, but potentially short-lived, show of détente, saying the two leaders engaged in a “good conversation” about border security and the North American Free Trade Agreement.

The two countries remain locked in a heated dispute over the fraught issues of immigration and trade, areas that may face difficult complications from the election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a leader known for being as strong-headed and nationalist-minded as Mr. Trump — and just as willing to engage in a public clash of ideas.

Mr. López Obrador, who has said Mexico will not be a “piñata” for foreign governments, has said he will stand up to Mr. Trump to protect his country’s interests. And he may find himself under pressure by an electorate that, weary of Mr. Trump’s hectoring and disparaging comments about Mexico, will demand that he cede no ground, leaving little room to manage the relationship.

“There are going to be so many opportunities for this to go wrong,” said Duncan Wood, the director of the Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute. “If there are too many provocations, if there are too many insults against Mexico, López Obrador will not be able to just sit back and take it. His character shows that he will respond, and that could lead us down a dark path.”

Relations between Mexico and the United States are already tense, particularly over trade and the future of Nafta, which has enabled companies to create critical supply chains across North America. Talks to revise the trade pact among Mexico, the United States and Canada have stalled over dramatic changes proposed by the Trump administration, including altering protections for investors and rules for manufacturing automobiles in North America.

Mr. López Obrador has been a longtime critic of the 1994 trade pact and has given no indiction he will be more willing to accommodate Mr. Trump’s demands than the current Mexican government. Among other things, Mr. López Obrador has blamed Nafta for triggering an influx of grain from the United States that ultimately forced Mexican farmers off their land.

But Mr. López Obrador has pledged to continue to renegotiate Nafta — a promise that could ultimately put him in the position of defending the trade agreement against the frequent criticisms of Mr. Trump, who has called it the “worst” trade deal in history and blamed Mexico for siphoning off American jobs. Mr. López Obrador’s advisers have said they will start working with the current Nafta negotiators soon to ensure a smooth transition when the new administration takes office on Dec. 1.

The president-elect has also taken a far more critical view than his predecessor of corporations — which have among the most to win or lose with a revised Nafta. He has long criticized the role of multinational corporations in Mexico and once promised to turn the presidential palace into a public park. He has promised to review dozens of outstanding oil and gas exploration contracts for corruption, potentially delaying hundreds of billions of dollars in foreign investment. His election has put the value of the peso and Mexican government bonds on a more volatile path.

During the campaign, Mr. López Obrador and his advisers worked to reassure voters and industry that he would provide continuity for the private sector.

Known as an anti-establishment candidate, Mr. López Obrador is a divisive figure with Mr. Trump’s flare for capturing attention. After a failed bid for the presidency in 2006 against Felipe Calderón, Mr. López Obrador held a faux inauguration ceremony for himself, appointed a shadow cabinet and protested in the middle of the capital for weeks.

Mr. Trump and Mr. López Obrador spoke for 30 minutes Monday morning after the latter ’s landslide victory Sunday night. The call came just hours after Mr. Trump congratulated Mr. López Obrador in a rare, friendly tweet that said: “I look very much forward to working with him.”

The incoming Mexican president in turn pledged never to “disrespect” the United States government. In a tweet of his own, Mr. López Obrador said there was “respectful treatment” on the call.

Any period of gracious talk may be short lived, however, with Mr. Trump almost certain to continue his tirade about the 2,000-mile border with Mexico, and Mr. López Obrador virtually guaranteed to fire back in ways that his predecessors did not.

Mr. López Obrador “has committed to a louder, more combative posture with the U.S.,” said Carlos M. Gutiérrez, the former secretary of commerce under President George W. Bush. “He’s getting ready to take it up a notch.”

Mr. Trump campaigned for the presidency by demanding a wall across the southern border and suggesting that people being “sent” from Mexico into the United States are “bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists.”

More recently, Mr. Trump has escalated his language against Mexico, accusing Democrats in a tweet of wanting “illegal immigrants, no matter how bad they may be, to pour into and infest our Country, like MS-13.”

 

The New York Times / Michael D. Shear and Ana Swanson / July 2

 

Mexico’s incoming leftist President could open US-Mexico energy relations

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The Daily Caller /Jason Hopkins / July 2

 

The election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador as Mexico’s next president has investors around the world on edge, waiting to see how the leftist leader will approach the oil and gas industry.

López Obrador handily won Mexico’s presidential election Sunday, capturing over 53 percent of the vote — more than double the percentage of the second-place finisher. His victory brings a new era of progressive populism to the U.S.’ southern neighbor. A member of the National Regeneration Movement Party, López Obrador touts a far-left pedigree: universal access to public colleges, an expansion of welfare programs, increased investment in industries and other big government proposals.

The president-elect’s calls for energy reform, however, has been the most striking to international observers. López Obrador pledged during the campaign to hold a referendum on reforms the country made several years ago that embraced measured degrees of privatization of the country’s oil sector.

Outgoing President Peña Nieto opened the country’s petroleum industry in 2013 to foreign investment, ending a decades-old monopoly held by Pemex, the country’s state-run petroleum company. The move was intended to revive Mexico’s oil and gas production, which is plagued with rampant inefficiency, debt and outdated equipment.

During the 2018 campaign, López Obrador derided these pro-market reforms. While promising to honor existing oil contracts, he believes the country should prioritize nationalization of the industry once again.

“As a long-time ally of national labor unions and a supporter of a strong [Pemex], [López Obrador] may seek to maximize national investment and employment in the sector, hedging Mexico’s political risk, even at the cost of economic efficiency,” David Goldwyn, chairman of the Atlantic’s Global Energy Center Advisory Group, noted Sunday.

Such reforms could have major implications for Mexico-U.S. energy relations, which hold very deep ties.

The U.S. currently exports a large amount of gas across the border and the Mexican government, in turn, sends heavy crude to American consumers. As crude oil imports to the U.S. has declined over the years, the trade imbalance between the two countries has shifted. U.S. energy exports to Mexico now exceeds its imports, according to the Energy Information Administration. These issues may come up as the Trump administration is set to renegotiate key agreements within the North American Trade Agreement with Mexico and Canada.

López Obrador, for his part, is no fan of Trump. The longtime Mexican politician wrote a book entitled “Oye, Trump” (“Listen, Trump”) that blasts the American leader for his calls to build a border wall and his “attempts to persecute migrant workers.” The book includes a number of speeches López Obrador has given. In one such speech, he compared Trump to Hiter, saying “Trump and his advisers speak of the Mexicans the way Hitler and the Nazis referred to the Jews, just before undertaking the infamous persecution and the abominable extermination.”

 

The Daily Caller /Jason Hopkins / July 2